The
government is well on its way to criminalise possession of 'extreme
pornography' without proper research into its effects.
Call me naďve but I am surprised and aghast: in particular, that this
Bill will go through with no proper public debate. Tucked away in
Section 6 is the nasty piece of legislation which will define many kinds
of sexual behaviour as inherently deviant and criminal. You won't need
to have actually indulged in these acts yourself to be brought within
the ambit of the law - possessing an image of it will do, and could get
you three years in jail.
The Justice Ministry claims that "increasing public concern about
extreme pornography" makes this legislation necessary. But it seems that
only a few members of the public actually know about or have seen the
kinds of material that will fall under the legislation. A further claim
is made, that were it not for the availability of "extreme pornography",
Graham Coutts would not have murdered the schoolteacher Jane Longhurst
-a claim that attempts to silence any objection to the Bill as evidence
of not caring about the tragic death of a young woman.
There are a number of problems with this reactionary Bill. As Rabinder
Singh QC concluded, the legislation is probably incompatible with the
European Convention on Human Rights. But of particular concern to me is
the enthusiastic pushing through of this Bill with no public debate and
no examination of the government's central claim that merely looking at
pornography causes aberrant behaviour.
It is in the promulgation of this particular claim that the ministry has
effected a sleight of hand, first in refusing to engage with any of the
objections to the original consultation document offered by researchers
and academics whose careers and reputations have been built on the
examination of taboo media forms and their audiences. Thus the Bill has
no intellectual or evidential base for its claims.
Secondly, in order to present some semblance of substantiation rather
than the rhetoric of the moral crusader, a "rapid evidence assessment"
was commissioned. Again, academics with expertise in the study of media
were overlooked in favour of three professors known for their anti-porn
views and their PhD students who have produced an entirely one-sided
account focusing on some of the most discredited lab-based studies as ad
hoc justification for the legislation. As a colleague puts, it "You
might as well ask Esso to investigate the role of the oil industry in
global warming." Academic research which might undermine the central
premise that pornography causes harm was completely ignored and now, in
parliamentary debates, this document is quoted and used as if it
represented a comprehensive review of the current state of research.
The government has no evidential base for the legislation and has been
entirely careless in its drafting of the particular provisions relating
to pornography - its definitions of what constitutes porn are so loose
that there are real dangers that all kinds of material currently
available will fall under the watchful gaze of the police and moral
entrepreneurs. Indeed, this is precisely what supporters of the
provisions hope for: that in succeeding against "extreme" materials,
they will be able to move forward to ensure that no one has access to
sexually explicit materials, hard or soft. The particular problem with
this legislation is that it sows the tendentious belief that pornography
does things to people, that it is a form of "heroin for the eyes",
creating monsters of its viewers. Once it is enshrined in law, there
will be no need to understand tastes and pleasures or to research
people's use of porn, it will simply be identified as criminal
behaviour. The government has not and cannot make a compelling case for
this legislation; we should be calling the ministry to account.
Comment:
A call for campaign support
From freeworld on the Melon Farmers Forum
Can I suggest as many people as possible write to the Ministry of
Injustice, asking for the prompt release of the legal advice saying the
measures are compatible with the Human Rights Act/European Convention of
Human Rights
This in the light of HR barrister Rabinder Singh's conclusion that said
measures give cause for real concerns about their compatibility.
Personally, I doubt the existence of any advice at all (or maybe they
are hiding advice which says the measures aren't compatible?) Legal
advice like this is probably only covered by a qualified exemption to
its release-dependent on public interest. There is obviously a strong
case for public interest over advice as to the compatibility of this
proposed law, which the Ministry of Injustice themselves admit
interferes with Article 8 (Private family life) and 10 (freedom of
expression) of the HRA/ECHR .
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